After 46 years, recognition for a moment in which we can take genuine pride

After 46 years, recognition for a moment in which we can take genuine pride

A long, long time ago – 46 years to be precise – along with some 300 other students I took part in an anti-apartheid protest at Liverpool University, occupying the university’s administration building for 10 days in the spring term of 1970. The key demands we were making on the university was for the resignation of the Vice-Chancellor, Lord Salisbury, a supporter of the apartheid regimes in Rhodesia and South Africa, and for the university to divest itself of its investments in the the apartheid regime in South Africa.  There were many sit-ins at British universities in this period, but in Liverpool it led to the severest disciplinary action of the time. Nine students, including Jon Snow, Channel 4 News presenter, were suspended for two years. But one, Peter Cresswell, was permanently expelled.

Yesterday, in an emotional ceremony following two decades of lobbying for restitution, Pete Cresswell, now aged 68 and retired from a career in social work, was at last awarded an honorary degree. His expulsion was finally recognised by those who spoke for the University as an injustice. As Pete observed in his acceptance speech, time had shown the protestors to be ‘on the right side of history’. Continue reading “After 46 years, recognition for a moment in which we can take genuine pride”

Hillsborough: exposing the criminals

<em>Hillsborough</em>: exposing the criminals

Unless I forget my law, altering a person’s statement is a criminal offence, without their knowledge or consent. And I don’t like criminals.

That’s Martin McLoughlin, one of the policemen on duty at Hillsborough on 15 April 1989, speaking in last night’s documentary film Hillsborough about discovering that his statement about that day had been unknowingly altered.

Hillsborough, finally screened last night by the BBC two years after being seen on an American ports channel, was a truly outstanding documentary produced and directed by Daniel Gordon. It could not be shown in Britain for legal reasons until after the Hillsborough inquest was completed – ruling on April 26 that all 96 victims of the 1989 stadium disaster were unlawfully killed, and that no responsibility for the disaster was in any way due to the behaviour of the Liverpool fans. Continue reading Hillsborough: exposing the criminals”

Justice at last for those ‘driven by the power of love and the bonds of family’

Justice at last for those ‘driven by the power of love and the bonds of family’

An emotional day here in Liverpool. ‘Truth and Justice’ reads the banner that extends the full length of St Georges Hall. It took 27 years. David Conn, who has written extensively on the subject for the Guardian, writes today of the Hillsborough disaster: deadly mistakes and lies that lasted decades, and how at the inquest a picture emerged of a callously negligent police force led by an inexperienced commander whose actions directly led to the deaths of 96 people. Continue reading “Justice at last for those ‘driven by the power of love and the bonds of family’”

Dickens, injustice and Hillsborough

Dickens, injustice and Hillsborough


I’m currently reading The Old Curiosity Shop and, in one of those curious coincidences without which Dickens’ plots would have ground to a halt, I read the following passage shortly after hearing news that the Hillsborough families are one step closer to justice:

Let moralists and philosophers say what they may, it is very questionable whether a guilty man would have felt half as much misery that night, as Kit did, being innocent. The world, being in the constant commission of vast quantities of injustice, is a little too apt to comfort itself with the idea that if the victim of its falsehood and malice have a clear conscience, he cannot fail to be sustained under his trials, and somehow or other to come right at last; ‘in which case,’ say they who have hunted him down, ‘—though we certainly don’t expect it—nobody will be better pleased than we.’ Whereas, the world would do well to reflect, that injustice is in itself, to every generous and properly constituted mind, an injury, of all others the most insufferable, the most torturing, and the most hard to bear; and that many clear consciences have gone to their account elsewhere, and many sound hearts have broken, because of this very reason; the knowledge of their own deserts only aggravating their sufferings, and rendering them the less endurable.

Kit Nubbles was shop boy at the Curiosity Shop owned by Little Nell’s grandfather. He lives at home with his widowed mother, and is an honest, blameless individual wrongly charged with theft by Sampson Brass, ‘an attorney of no good repute’ and ‘one of the greatest scoundrels unhung’.

As for the Hillsborough families: twenty-two years after the original contentious inquest into the 96 victims of the Hillsborough disaster, the verdict of accidental death has been quashed in the high court.  The landmark verdict clears the way for a new inquest into the deaths next year, re-examining the roles of the police and other emergency services, Sheffield council and Sheffield Wednesday Football Club, and leading to the possibility of new verdicts of unlawful killing.  This comes on the same day that a new police investigation into the Hillsborough disaster has been announced by the home secretary, opening the way to potential prosecutions of police officers and other officials.

Quashing the original inquest verdicts, Lord Chief Justice Judge (there’s a Dickensian name!) paid tribute to the families of the deceased, stating his admiration and respect for their search for the truth about the causes of the disaster and why and how it occurred. He said the court must ‘simultaneously express our regret that the process has been so unbelievably dispiriting and prolonged’: words that echo those of  ‘He Ain’t Heavy, He’s My Brother’, the Hillsborough single by The Justice Collective which I finally managed to buy today – Liverpool’s shops selling out as fast as they can re-stock.

The road is long
With many a winding turn
That leads us to who knows where
Who knows when
But I’m strong
Strong enough to carry him
He ain’t heavy, he’s my brother.

The single, featuring artists like Sir Paul McCartney, Robbie Williams, Rebecca Ferguson and Mel C among others, was launched on Monday at Liverpool’s HMV store.  Other stars who have contributed to the TJC single include Sir Paul McCartney, Peter Hooton of The Farm, Dave McCabe of The Zutons, John Power from Cast and Gerry Marsden as well as further contributions from Paloma Faith, Eliza Doolittle, Beverley Knight, Mick Jones of The Clash and Paul Heaton from The Beautiful South.

The CD single cover photograph (top) features Beth Garner-Watt, 11, and Mikey Clarke, 7, who went onto the pitch at Everton, hand-in-hand, days after the publication of the damning report from the Hillsborough independent panel that revealed the cover-up that diverted blame for the 96 deaths onto the Liverpool fans.

All the proceeds from the single, which is tipped to reach the Christmas number one, will go to cover the legal costs of the families of the Liverpool supporters killed in the Hillsborough disaster in 1989.  Buy it!

Hillsborough: collusion and cover-up

Hillsborough: collusion and cover-up

Sheila Coleman, spokeswoman for the Hillsborough Justice Campaign gave the first lecture yesterday in the 2012 Critical Research Seminar Series at Liverpool John Moores University Centre for the Study of Crime, Criminalisation and Social Exclusion (CCSE).  It was a timely event, given the recent publication of the report of the Hillsborough Independent Panel, an event that marked a significant turning point in the struggle for the truth about what led to the deaths of the 96 victims of the Hillsborough disaster in 1989.

Sheila titled her presentation Hillsborough: Collusion and Cover-Up, and in it she gave an impassioned account of the long struggle by the survivors, their relatives and supporters for truth and justice.  Sheila reviewed the key events in a campaign which she described as advancing and receding in waves over the years – from the publication of the Taylor Report in the immediate aftermath of the disaster, the shock of the inquest verdicts, the establishment of the Stuart-Smith Scrutiny by Labour Home Secretary Jack Straw in 1997, the Information Commissioner’s order last year that the 1989 Cabinet papers relating to the disaster be released under a Freedom of Information request, the subsequent e-petition and House of Commons debate, to the publication on 12 September of the report of the Hillsborough Independent Panel.  Sheila spoke of the emotional impact of all these events on  families and survivors affected by this disaster, and concluded by setting out how the Hillsborough Justice Campaign will continue to fight for justice.

Sheila recalled the frustration that she – and the survivors and their families – felt in the early days.  With the help of funding from Liverpool City Council, she began work on a project to gather evidence whilst employed as a lecturer at Edge Hill University.  At the time, she recalled, few people, other than those who had been there on the day, would believe that there had been a cover-up.  In her lecture, Sheila traced the steps by which evidence of the cover-up had been documented.

She began by taking us back to the Interim report of the Taylor Inquiry, with its ‘devastating criticism of the police’ (in Margaret Thatcher’s words) – so devastating, indeed, that Thatcher would not accept it – ‘Is that for us to welcome?’  This was a time when, as writer Kevin Sampson noted in the Observer in September:

Anyone who bucked against the Tories’ values was deemed a “wrecker.” The play-out to the Tom Robinson Band’s 1979 song Power In The Darkness lists a catalogue of “wreckers” including “… football hooligans, juvenile delinquents, lesbians and left-wing scum. […]  A year or two after Power In The Darkness, Tom Robinson might have added “scousers” to that ironic list of demons. The 1980s oversaw a radical transformation in Liverpool’s national standing and its citizens’ popular perception. Gone were the lovable Merseybeat bands of the 1960s, and the daffy but adorable Liver Birds. In their place came a family of incorrigible scroungers, in Bread, followed by a litany of skivers, whingers and whiners. […]

Scousers and football supporters were, as Sheila, recalled, regularly branded ‘animals’, and for that were herded into pens.  It was a time when the police acted with impunity, and Hillsborough was merely a continuation of police attitudes and behaviour revealed in the riots of 1981 and the miners’ strike of 1984.  She has always seen Hillsborough in the  context of class: the conflicts of the 1980s and the persistent hostility of the political elite towards the working class.

From Thatcher, Sheila moved on to examine the actions of the Labour government which came to power in 1997, and especially of Jack Straw, Home Secretary at the time.  She described how Jack Straw, having promised a new inquiry, in June 1997 announced there were no grounds for establishing one, instead proposed an ‘independent examination of the alleged new evidence’ by senior legal figures. The ‘alleged’ new evidence had, in fact, been taken to the High Court by the Hillsborough Support Group in 1993; it was the same evidence which the report of the Independent Panel in September had drawn upon.  The Stuart-Smith Scrutiny was a sham, allowing Straw to conclude, ‘I do not believe that a further inquiry could or would uncover significant new evidence or provide any relief for the distress of those who have been bereaved’.

Sheila faced the question of divisions amongst the survivors and the families head-on in a section of her talk that explored the ‘collusion’ in its title.  She described the tensions that had led to the split between the Justice Campaign which she has represented, and the Hillsborough Steering Committee.  These divisions reflected, amongst other things, differences over how far to place trust in the lawyers hired to represent them.  For example, Doug Fraser, the lead solicitor representing families at the 1990 inquest,  suggested the cut-off point for evidence should be 3.06pm a full nine minutes earlier than the controversial 3.15pm eventually imposed by the coroner.  He also told South Yorkshire Police and the coroner that some families wanted to use the inquests to get their 15 minutes of fame and that some were hotheads.  Overall, Sheila argued ‘you couldn’t blame the inquest jury for their verdict, given the pitiful evidence presented by the lawyers’.

Sheila also spoke of the sense of disbelief and shock experienced by the families when Norman Bettison was appointed Chief Constable of Merseyside in 1998, an event that was marked by a Justice Campaign petition against the appointment and a sit-in at the Police Authority HQ on the day that Bettison took up his post.  As revealed in the Independent Panel report, Bettison was a member of an elite team of South Yorkshire police officers tasked with orchestrating a smear campaign against the victims – the campaign that achieved its most notorious success with the Sun’s ‘The Real Truth’ front page.  Sheila noted that when he retires as Chief Constable of West Yorkshire police next March, Bettison will receive a pension from Merseyside Police of £88,000.

Moving on to discuss the Independent Panel report, Sheila identified the key findings: the documentation of the police and institutional cover-up (for example, in the ambulance service), the revelation that 41 of the 96 could have been saved, the taking of blood alcohol samples from the victims (including a ten year old boy) and, when that revealed nothing untoward,  the use of the national police computer to seek evidence of criminal activity amongst the 96.  She provided a vivid account of the unveiling of the report in the Anglican cathedral on 12 September: the gasps that echoed around the cathedral at the revelation that 41 could have lived, and the thuds as individuals fainted and fell to the floor.

But, despite the official confirmation of the failings and of cover-up, Sheila felt disappointment that the report had let the Thatcher government off the hook, and had glossed over the role of the West Midlands police, the the major investigating force for all inquiries into the Hillsborough disaster.

Finally, Sheila turned to the situation now, in October 2012.  Her conclusion: nothing’s changed.  The accidental death verdict still stands, and no police officer has been sacked or suspended (and, as a member of the audience noted, the Football Association, which authorised the staging of the FA Cup semi-final at Hillsborough despite the ground not having a valid safety certificate, seems to have got off scot-free).

On 16 October, the Commons Home Affairs committee will hear evidence from the families, and on 22 October there will be a full Commons debate.  But, Sheila argued, what is really crucial is that pressure is kept up on the Attorney-General to quash the inquest verdicts and order a new inquest, on the DPP to consider criminal prosecutions in the light of the Independent panel report, and for a new public inquiry.  Such pressure needs to be political, as much as legal.

One small example of a successful action was the protest which led, last week, to Morrisons in Liverpool dropping a promotion which knocked ten quid off your bill if you bought the Sun.  But what was also needed was continuing support for survivors and families enduring renewed trauma after September 12th – and for unity amongst the families and their the supporters (though a recent tweet about Sheila Coleman ‘being divisive with her calls for unity’ suggest that might be some time coming).

The evening before hearing Sheila Coleman speak, I had watched Hillsborough, Jimmy McGovern’s brilliant dramatic rendition of the events of 15 April 1989 and the cover-up that followed.  It seemed to me, watching it again, that this was probably McGovern’s finest work.  The dramatisation of the unfolding tragedy in the stadium is a brilliant interweaving of drama with documentary footage.  The section that still stands out for me is the inquest and the despair and anguish of the relatives when the ‘accidental death’ verdict is announced. The decision of the coroner to rule out the choice of a manslaughter verdict evoked parallels with the trail of PC Harwood, charged with the manslaughter of Ian Tomlinson and acquitted despite the evidence in photographs and on video.

Christopher Eccleston – who played Trevor Hicks, the then chairman of the Hillsborough Family Support, whose two daughters, Sarah, 19, and Victoria, 15, died in the 1989 disaster – said of  Hillsborough:

Beyond Merseyside, no one knew the truth about what happened at Hillsborough. People had swallowed the lies that the right-wing Press told, together with what the government and the police put out there. Jimmy wrote it to correct those lies and, most importantly, to allow the families to grieve – because the lies devastated and destroyed the grieving process.

Hillsborough memorial Anfield

See also

Hillsborough: the truth. Now for justice.

Hillsborough: the truth.  Now for justice.
Phil Hammond with his wife Hilda

We were away from Liverpool, spending a couple of wet and windswept days in the Yorkshire Dales, when the remarkable 395-page report of the Hillsborough Independent Panel was published, its conclusions arrived at after sifting through 450,000 documents. For me, football – sport generally – raises not a flicker of interest: there must be something missing in my DNA.  But the events of that terrible afternoon in 1989 on which 96 people died at Sheffield Wednesday’s Hillsborough football ground, and the actions of the authorities afterwards, reflected something I do recognise: the fractures along lines of class and geography that lie just beneath the calm surface of the English social order, and the deep contempt of those in authority for those of working class origin – especially if they hail from northern towns.

Such attitudes formed the solid rock underpinning the social order in the Thatcher years – they informed responses to trade unions, and especially to the miners’ strike (the policing of that event, too, would merit an independent inquiry).   A great deal of what happened at Hillsborough to cause the disaster, and the police’s subsequent blame-shifting, has been exposed over the last decades, some of it dramatised in Jimmy McGovern’s  drama-documentary, Hillsborough, in 1996. But the depth of the cover-up – the deliberate, relentless South Yorkshire police campaign to mask its own failures and craft the false case against the supporters (given widespread credence through their conduit to the Sun), was what still had the power to shock when revealed this week.

Two reports in the last few days by David Conn in The Guardian have brought home the meaning of Hillsborough in Liverpool.  In Hillsborough disaster: the truth, he described how:

In a concerted campaign begun even as the dead were lying in a temporary mortuary at Hillsborough itself – led, the panel found, by the chief constable, Peter Wright – the South Yorkshire police marshalled their story that drunken supporters or those without tickets had caused the disaster. The victims, most younger than 30, many of them teenagers, the youngest aged 10, had their blood tested for alcohol levels. This was “an exceptional decision”, the panel said, for which it found “no rationale”. One of the new revelations from this extraordinary process, in which all the organisations released to the panel their internal documents relating to Hillsborough, was that where victims had alcohol in their blood, the police then checked to find if they had criminal records.

The report, substantially authored by professor Phil Scraton of Queen’s University, Belfast, and unanimously agreed by the panel of eight experts, found there was “no evidence … to verify the serious allegations of exceptional levels of drunkenness, ticketlessness or violence among Liverpool fans”.

Today, in ‘Our 14-year-old son died at Hillsborough‘  he told the story of one of the families who can never forget that day.  In 1989, Phil Hammond was the  manager of our local postal sorting office.  On on 15 April 1989, Phil and Hilda Hammond’s 14 year old son Philip travelled to Liverpool’s semi-final against Nottingham Forest at Hillsborough with a friend – the first time he had been to watch Liverpool play away from Anfield. He was one of the 96 who died that afternoon, 41 of whom, the Panel had revealed, might have been saved but for police incompetence.  His father became the chair of the Hillsborough Family Support Group, battling for truth and justice over how his son and the others died, mounting private prosecutions of the two senior South Yorkshire police officers on duty that day.

They had exhausted all legal avenues. It took until the 20th anniversary three years ago, for the process to begin that led to the panel’s conclusive report this week. Following the Guardian’s exposure of Hillsborough’s enduring injustice and changed police statements, the then Labour ministers Andy Burnham and Maria Eagle initiated the process of police and other bodies releasing all their documents. On Wednesday, the Hammonds were relieved, and regretful that it had taken so much struggle. Graeme feels that it’s sad that Phil, because of his accident and resulting disability, could not play a more active role this week, after all his work to drive the campaign on.

Hilda feels that too, but, she says: “Philip’s been in heaven all this time looking down on us. And he knows what his father did for him.”

That was the Hillsborough families. They never gave up on their loved ones, in the face of suffering nobody should have to bear.

This moving letter is from Thursday’s Guardian:

On 15 April 1989, at 8.30 in the morning, Barrie left his home to travel to a football match. In the early hours of the following morning, a different man returned home. Barrie’s friends, who had been seated elsewhere in the ground, had found him wandering the streets of Sheffield after an increasingly despairing search that lasted long into the night. Traumatised, his body covered in purple bruises that bled into each other, his arms torn from dragging adults and children from the terrible crush and passing them up to others hanging, arms stretched, to lift them to safety, Barrie came home but left part of his soul in the Hillsborough stadium.

In the 23 years that followed, time after time castigated as a cause of the tragedy; carrying the guilt of survival; knowing, as did everyone in Liverpool, “the truth” but condemned as self-pitying and told to “get over it” when any attempt to disseminate the truth was made; and taking every opportunity to show his solidarity with the families of the 96 in their search for justice.

Finally, vindication (Hillsborough: the reckoning, 13 September) but too late for many relatives and friends of those who were lost and survivors themselves. Too late also for Barrie, who died at 8.10 on Wednesday morning.
Pat Ayers, Liverpool

This week the truth about what happened at Hillsborough was confirmed.  Will  justice follow?

See also